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Entries in Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (21)

Wednesday
Jun302010

Iran Special: The Significance of the "Universities Crisis" (Verde)

UPDATE 0600 GMT: Nooshabeh Amiri, writing in Rooz English, offers a powerful opinion piece on last week's demonstrations, "Shut the Majlis, oh Brother!"

---

Mr Verde writes for EA:

"Crisis" in a country is not usually associated with a debate over higher education. The military, the police, radio and TV, the courts, elections: these are the battlegrounds that come to mind.

Make no mistake, however. The current dispute in Iran over Islamic Azad University is important. It is significant not just because Ahmadinejad and Co. want to oust former President Hashemi Rafsanjani and his allies from the university's management. It is an indicator of other possible trouble within the regime.

First, the beginner's guide to the current dispute:

- The Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, headed by Ahmadinejad in his capacity as President, decides to overturn last summer's decision of the Azad University Board to make itself into a trust. The SCCR also said it would appoint new trustees.

- Azad University takes legal measures, and a court issues an injunction against the SCCR decision.

- The following day, the Parliament votes for legislation that will in effect block attempts by the SCCR to hand over the management of Azad University to the Government.

- There is a demonstration by a small number of regime-organized "students" outside the Majlis. The demonstrators shout slogans against the Parliament, the MPs, and the Speaker Ali Larijani. Some of the signs they are carrying are regarded as so rude that the Iranian Students News Agency blurs out the slogans. It is reported that one of the speakers at the gathering threatened that they would bombard the Majlis (as the Russian Colonel Liakhov had done on behalf of Mohammad Ali Shah in 1908).

- The following day the Parliament votes to annul its previous decision, even though the original bill is still in the process of being vetted by the Guardian Council. During the debate MPs insult each other and Ali Motahari claims that the pro-Ahmadinejad Koochakzadeh (who is close to Ahmadinejad) is of Russian descent and has changed his name from Koochakov. Motahari later claims that, during the debate, Koochatzadeh/Koochakov physically attacked him.

- After a request from Iran's Prosecutor General Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei, the head of judiciary, Sadegh Larijani, orders another court to review the injunction against the Council.

A bit of background:

The Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution was created by the Islamic Republic in the early 1980s, as part of the Cultural Revolution that shut universities for a few years. Since then, both Ayatollahs Khomeini and Khamenei have said that the the decisions of the SCCR should be considered as the law of the land and that the other state organs, including the Majlis, should not contradict these decisions.

The Supreme Leaders' declarations stand against the Constitution, under which the Majlis has the authority to pass laws on all matters. The Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution is not even mentioned in the Constitution.

Conclusion? The judge who ordered the injunction, in his interpretation of the Constitution, defied Ayatollah Khamenei’s standing orders regarding the decisions of the SCCR.

On the day the Parlaiment was debating the original law, one MP, citing the Supreme Leader’s views about the SCCR’s powers, tabled a motion to stop debate. MPs voted against the proposal.

Some more background:

When legislation is passed by the Majles, it has to be vetted by the Guardian Council. The Council will return legislation that it deems to be against the Constitution and/or Sharia law. At this stage the legislation is returned to Parliament.

If the Majlis tries to accommodate the views of the Council, the legislation is vetted again. If Parliament refuses to accommodate the Council, the legislation goes to the Expediency Council. In such a case, the Expediency Council’s decision will become law.

One issue that stands out:

At the present time, two laws have been pass by the Majles within two days, with the second negating the first. This does not look like confidence. It looks like chaos and crisis.

The demonstration in front of the Majlis:

Was Ayatollah Khamenei behind the demonstration, its slogans, and speeches, or at least supportive of it? He certainly did not condemn it, as he has the post-election demonstrations including millions of Iranians.

Why resort to the embarrassing, costly, chaotic, and illegal tactic of organizing the demonstration outside the Majlis? Why not ensure that the Council of Guardians rejects the legislation, returns it to Parliament, and then ensure that the Majlis votes in the way the Government wants?

Surely the regime should be able to rely on the trusted Council of Guardians. And the current Parliament has been filtered through two elections, with the Guardian Council weeding out the candidacy of almost all reformist “troublemakers”. (Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani said that this is Khamenei’s Majlis. Note that he forgot to mention that the Majlis is supposed to belong to the people.)

Yet it appears that, despite this supposed control of the legislative process, even a heavily-sanitized Majlis is no longer reliable, so rent-a-thugs have to be paraded in front of the Majlis and insult their own MPs.

Implications:

We are witnessing the use of regime demonstrators against an increasing number of people and institutions. That indicates, that for some reason, the regime’s internal structures are failing. Amidst what appears to be a serious crisis within the Islamic Republic,its institutions are unable to resolve it; at times they seem to be making it worse.

We are seeing increasingly angry speeches by Khamenei, directed at regime insiders, and comical announcements such as:

- It was announced aid ships were being sent to Gaza and escorted by the Revolutionary Guards. Then it was announced that no escort would be provided. Then it was announced that no aid ship would be sent, ostensibly to avoid war with Israel. Then it was announced that the ships did not go because Egypt had refused them permission to pass through the Suez Canal, only for Cairo to deny Tehran's claim.

- We have wildly varying timescales about self sufficiency in production of petrol: from 24 hours to more than two years. (The list is long and tiresome)

If all of this does not indicate a crisis, what would?
Saturday
Jun262010

The Latest from Iran (26 June): Absolute Security?

1745 GMT: More on the Khomeini Challenge. Earlier we noted growing concern within the Iranian establishment over the influence of "radicals" (1235 GMT).

Radio Zamaneh has more on that concern through the remarks of Seyed Hassan Khomeini, grandson of the late Ayatollah Khomeini, as he spoke to families of victims of a 1981 bombing.

Khomeini said “extremism” must be abandoned and “extremists” must be "churned away" from the Islamic Republic.

Noting the growing economic problems in Iran, which has "disheartened" its people, Khomeini said Iranians want their officials to get over “personal vendettas” and “childish grudges” and instead try to resolve the country’s problems.

NEW Iran Document & Analysis: US Gov’t Statement on Sanctions, Nukes, & Human Rights
NEW Iran: Summary of the New US Sanctions
NEW Iran Interview: Ahmad Batebi “The Green Movement and Mousavi”
The Real Race for Iran: Human Rights v. Tehran’s Defenders (Shahryar)
The Latest from Iran (25 June): The Important Issues


1640 GMT: Another Execution? Six weeks after five Iranians were hung, concerns have escalated over Zainab Jalalian and Hossein Khezri, who are reportedly at risk of imminent execution.

The death sentence for Jalalian, convicted of mohareb ("war against God") because of her membership in the separatist Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), was upheld and sent to the enforcement section today. Zainab's plea to say goodbye to her family was met with, "shut up" by the sentencing judge, and she was condemned to death by hanging. As Zainab was not permitted legal representation,

Amnesty International has issued an Urgent Action Alert for Zainab Jalalian and Hossein Khezri, who are believed to be at risk of imminent execution. We have assembled a sample letter you can send to Iranian authorities regarding these two cases.

1230 GMT: Taking on the "Radicals"? After a week of clear escalation in conflict --- not between the "Greens" and the regime but within the establshment --- the Iranian political scene is filled with warnings of "radical" behaviour threatening the Islamic Republic.

Khabar Online features an analysis declaring that conservatives and principlists "will pay for" the actions of the radicals. radicals' move, historical review pointing at this radical current since the IR establishment

Mohammad Reza Bahonar, the Vice Speaker of Parliament, http://www.aftabnews.ir/vdcjivevmuqeyhz.fsfu.html of the "threats of fundamentalism" while suggesting a faction of reformists may "reappear in a new form".

High-profile MP Ahmad Tavakoli has criticised attacks on political figures, saying that even those who have done wrong to the Iranian system should be treated with justice.

And Ayatollah Khomeini's grandson, Seyed Hassan Khomeini, has declared that people want radicals to be banned and asked Iranians to listen to the warningsor marja (senior clerics) about moral decline, poverty, and inflation.

1220 GMT: Asking about Political Rights. Member of Parliament Kazem Delkhosh has raised a query: why do other parties need a permit for rallies when (Basij protesting in front of the Majlis gets receive meals, cookies, Sundis [juice drinks] and buses?

1215 GMT: All is Well (Nuclear Edition). The head of Iran's Atomic Energy Organization, Ali Akbar Salehi, has emphasised that, despite recent conflicts and the UN sanctions resolution, Tehran will continue to work with monitors from the International Atomic Energy Agency.

1210 GMT: More "Absolute Security". Basij commander Mohammad Reza Naghdi has announced new commando deployments will soon take place.

1200 GMT: Video Turmoil. A couple of clips from this week apparently pointing to tensions in Iranian politics. The clash between prominent member of Parliament Ali Motahari and pro-Ahmadinejad legislators, culminating in Motahari's "shut up and sit down", has emerged.

Then there is this claimed video of a crowd in Rasht facing up to "morality police", breaking the back window of their vehicle. Persian2English asks further information, including the report, "A few minutes later, Special Guard forces entered the scene with batons and shot tear gas into the crowd."

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QxoHdkLTzDo&feature=player_embedded[/youtube]

1140 GMT: Critiquing Iran and the World. A group of Tehran University professors have issued a statement assessing Iran's foreign policy approach as an attempt to project power by creating divisions amongst others.

1130 GMT: We have posted two features out of Washington --- the sanctions provisions passed by the US Congress and soon to be signed by President Obama, and the statement by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton linking those sanctions to Iran's nuclear programme and human rights.

0650 GMT: All is Well (Gasoline Special). Iran's Deputy Oil Minister Ali-Reza Zeighami has declared that sanctions passed by the US Congress on Iran's energy sector will not put any pressure on the country: "Despite sanctions, Iran will be self-sufficient in gasoline production within two years and after that we can begin exporting gasoline."

Zeighami claimed that the completion of five projects at refineries will triple Iran's output.

0645 GMT: Culture Corner. It appears that Iran is not absolutely secure against the excesses of "Western" culture, however. Thomas Erdbrink, writing in The Washington Post, highlights the success of Rupert Murdoch's Farsi1 satellite television channel, with situation comedies and Latin American, Korean, and US soap operas dubbed into Persian.

We leave it to Iranian authorities to explain why --- unlike many other foreign channels which have been jammed --- Farsi1 has made it into Iranian homes.

0630 GMT: We emerge from the Iranian weekend with comments from human rights activist Ahmad Batebi on the dynamics of the Green Movement and the role of Mir Hossein Mousavi.

Meanwhile, Iran's authorities continue to talk up the notion of "absolute security". Iran's police chief Esmail Ahmadi-Moghaddam, after his recent reflection on the post-election crisis (including admission of security mistakes and an implicit indication of electoral manipulation), is now giving assurances about the present.

Ahmadi-Moghaddam said Iran's aim is complete protection of borders by 2015, with more investment in the construction of roads and checkpoints. He also announced a plan to increase border patrol units with "state-of-the-art" equipment.
Thursday
Jun242010

Iran Special: Mousavi, Karroubi, and the Strategy of "We Are Still Standing (for the Revolution)"

And so another statement, accompanied by a picture of the two men warmly greeting each other, from Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi.

The announcement followed the now established pattern of declarations from opposition figures.

1. Use current events to highlight the declining legitimacy of the Government, highlighting the attacks on key groups in the Islamic Republic

Iran Document: The Mousavi-Karroubi Meeting (23 June)


"No government or authority can remove the love of these guardians of the religion from the hearts of the believers by relying on a group of thugs."

In this case, Mousavi and Karroubi highlight the Government's campaign against marja (senior clerics). This month's verbal and physical assaults on the reputations and homes of Ayatollah Khomeini's grandson, Seyed Hassan Khomeini, Grand Ayatollah Sane'i, and the late Grand Ayatollah Montazeri are a solid platform for an appeal to the public which is lastly to last throughout the summer.

Doing so, Mousavi and Karroubi are claiming that they are defending the Islamic Republic, which is being torn down by a Government which should be upholding its values and Constitution. Some would-be analysts of Iranian politics argue that the opposition is "counter-revolutionary"; Mousavi and Karroubi point to the strategy that the opposition is still "revolutionary" in its pursuit of the goals of 1979. Equally important, they are pointedly noting that the Government is attacking figures, including Khomeini, who were and are "the Revolution".

2. Make a political move to get support from those who are not in the opposition

"Mehdi Karroubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi expressed their sorrow and concern for the weakening of the legislative branch....some don’t even respect the stature of this Parliament."

At one level, this is a continuation of the argument that the Government is attacking the institutions of the Islamic Republic and the defenders of the Revolution.

At another, however, it is a tactical approach to "conservatives" and even "principlists" within the system. The headline story in Iran at the moment is the running battle between Ahmadinejad and the Parliament over economic and social policy and institutions; this week's furour over the supervision of Islamic Azad University is only the latest symbol in the contest.

There is no chance that Ali Larijani, the Speaker of the Parliament, and Mousavi and Karroubi will ever be ideological brethren. But there is more than a chance that they could share the common goal of wanting to remove Ahmadinejad from power and change the approach of the Government to its relationship with the legislative and judicial branches.

3. Highlight basic civil rights

"Mehdi Karroubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi pointed out the government’s denying the people’s legal and legitimate request to hold a silent demonstration, while an organized group, in complete security, attacks whoever and wherever they want."

The reference to the anniversary of the election, 22 Khordad/12 June, is in part a defensive move by Mousavi and Karroubi, covering their decision not to proceed with a march in defiance of the Government's refusal to issue a permit.

At the same time, however, the approach is to highlight that the battle for civil rights is more than one occasion for demonstration. The references to "the current security trend and recent arrests... [and] the chaotic situation of the detention centres and prisons" brings Mousavi and Karroubi back to their fundamental challenge.

This is not a legitimate Government, for it does not guarantee and safeguard the rights must be part of the Revolution and its incarnation in the Islamic Republic: When Mousavi and Karroubi call on Iran's judiciary "to move toward restoring public rights and promoting justice and legitimate freedoms", they are both making another tactical approach to those in the "establishment" --- you do not have to bow down to this illegitimate President and his advisors --- and pointing to the heartbeat of civil rights within the opposition.

And this strategy is not separate from the 2009 election and "Where is My Vote?"; it is vitally linked to it. For how can Mahmoud Ahmadinejad sustain his cry of "24 million supported me" when that support is seen today in the refusal of dissent and the accumulation of political prisoners?

4. The Green Movement lives because the campaign for civil rights lives

"Mousavi and Karroubi once again emphasized othe rightful demands of the Green Movement and the role of promoting awareness and knowledge in the society about the assured rights and fundamental freedoms of all classes of the society."

This approach may not be enough for many in the opposition, inside and outside Iran. As the row over Nikahang Kowsar's cartoon on Mousavi and "Statement 3000" illustrated, Mousavi and Karroubi's approach may be seen as the unacceptable of the "gradual" or even a tacit resignation covered over by their words. The issue of whether they should have taken to the streets in June (and, in the case of Mousavi, for months before that) is still fresh.

Strategically, this latest statement remains vague on specific steps and demands. Indeed, the last clear declaration by Mousavi of those demands may be his statement at the start of January. And Mousavi and Karroubi's clear line of working within --- in fact, exalting --- the Islamic Republic will not be to the taste of those who want a greater revision or even sweeping away of the system.

At this point, however, Mousavi and Karroubi are working in an Iran where many activists have been imprisoned or have left the country, where the Government has tried to shut down communications beyond the most "reliable" of outlets, where the security forces are omni-present not only on possible dates for marches but in all aspects of Iranian life.

In that environment, the imperative may to be grabbing whatever space to declare: We are legitimate; the Government is not. We uphold the Republic; the Government does not. We believe in the rights and pursuit of discussion, dialogue, justice; the Government believes in the baton and the jail cell.

For better or worse, the immediate purpose of this statement could be: We are still standing.
Wednesday
Jun232010

Iran Eyewitness: An "Army of Strollers" and Allah-o-Akbar on 12 June (Tehran Bureau)

"A Contributor in Tehran" writes for Tehran Bureau:

"The most stable and democratic country in the world." Thus Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the man who last year was "reelected" (many say "selected") as president of the Islamic Republic of Iran, described his nation at a recent press conference in Istanbul. Ahmadinejad, of course, is hardly renowned for well-considered, precise, statesmanlike observations. In fact, he is notorious for quite the opposite: making off-the-cuff statements whose substance bears little relation to reality. Yet the depiction of Iran in such terms days before the 12 June anniversary of the vehemently disputed presidential election was an extraordinary distortion of the truth, even by Mr. Ahmadinejad's loose standards. The truth of his statement, needless to say, was tested on the anniversary.

As expected, "the most stable and democratic" government on earth failed miserably. It denied permission to the opposition to hold a simple peaceful rally in order to commemorate last year's election --- even though, according to the Iranian Constitution, such gatherings do not require government approval to begin with. For weeks, security and other officials had warned that the regime would not tolerate any protest rally on June 12. The Interior Ministry, raising some ludicrous technical excuses, refused the permit, as it had done similarly on numerous occasions in the past.



By contrast, government-sanctioned rallies and ceremonial events, such as the one that took place on 4 June  --- the 21st anniversary of the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic -- enjoy the regime's full support and sponsorship. On that occasion, hundreds of thousands, many of them members of the Basij militia, were mobilized throughout the country to travel, at government expense, to Tehran to attend the commemoration and listen to the Friday Prayer sermon delivered by Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, Khomeini's successor as Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. This particular event was to be a showcase for the power and "popularity" of the regime in advance of 12 June. The initial plan was thus to assemble about two million people from throughout Iran for the event. By independent accounts, the regime fell far short of its goal.

Just a couple of days prior to the election anniversary, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, two of Ahmadinejad's rivals in last year's election and the de facto leaders of the Green Movement, the popular reform movement that emerged following the rigged vote, announced that because of their concern for people's safety they would cancel the rally they had planned. They asked their supporters to pursue their struggle for change through means less risky than participation in a public protest that the government was determined to violently suppress.

Given that most opposition political figures and activists have been imprisoned or rendered inactive over the past year, and that many political parties and civil society organizations have been banned, there are few avenues available to those opposing the regime to communicate with one another and organize en masse. The few Reformist newspapers face heavy censorship and are under constant threat of closure if they cross the government's ambiguous "red lines." Foreign news and analysis broadcasts, like the popular Persian services of the BBC and VOA, are routinely jammed -- especially when an important day, such as 12 June, approaches. The Internet is often strangled and access to most sites with uncensored information is systematically denied through a pervasive filtering system (though many have by now learned how to circumvent it). In short, the regime exerts its full power to deny people the means and even the hope of organizing peaceful protests, short of risking their livelihoods and their very lives.

Nonetheless, the message somehow spread that a silent protest would be held in Tehran from 4 to 8 p.m. on June 12, a Saturday. It was understood that Mousavi and Karroubi, as responsible leaders, could not ask their supporters to jeopardize their lives by attending a formally declared rally. Yet people concluded that they could make their presence felt and in the process expose the regime's true anti-democratic nature, its illegitimacy, and the extent of its fear by simply "strolling" peacefully and silently from Imam Hossein Square to Azadi (Freedom) Square. The route, around ten kilometers long, was chosen in part because along it lies Ferdowsi Square and Enghelab Square, where two major universities are located.

Read rest of article....
Monday
Jun212010

UPDATED Iran: Full Text --- Karroubi Takes on the Supreme Leader (20 June)

Translation by Khordaad 88:

To the great and honorable nation of Iran,

A year has passed since your spectacular presence during the 10th presidential elections that took place last year. This enthusiastic participation in the elections was a sign of your desire to exercise your right to self-determination in the affairs of your country. Some however, based on a theory that considers people as [mere] supporters of the government and Guardianship of the Jurist rather than appointers, presented their decisions and their votes as though they were yours.

A year has passed since these elections and during this year we witnessed many ups and downs. We witnessed how the powers that trampled upon all modesty, brought upon a negative image for the Islamic Republic. We witnessed the martyrdom of our citizens who had come to the streets only to demand what had happened to their votes. We witnessed bloodshed, killing and the filling of prisons with the children of our regime and revolution.

What were unfortunately lacking during this year were the people’s rights under the Constitution. Instead these fundamental rights were replaced by extreme repression through brutal force with no regard for the sanctity of life. Despite all this darkness and bitterness, we still remain hopeful that the train that has been derailed from the foundations of our Constitution, our revolution and our Imam will return to its original path and that the wrongdoers repent and, in doing so, pave the way for dialogue and interaction.

The Great and noble people of Iran,

A year after the 10th presidential election, having gone through many bitter moments, I foremost want to commend the great families of our martyrs in the past year who, in complete injustice, were not even allowed to hold an honorable funeral for their loved ones.

While offering my condolences, I ask God to bless our martyrs and give the survivors patience and forgiveness. I give my respects to the injured that did not get the chance to recover in peace. I bow down to your strength and endurance. Finally, I remember those who were jailed unjustly in an effort to silence this oppressed but great nation’s righteous voice.

Today the prison cells are filled with compatriots of the revolution and Imam Khomeini , thinkers, intellectuals, youth, and freedom-lovers. We are still hopeful that judiciary officials instead of issuing political indictments and pronouncing sentences dictated to them [by security apparatus] will very soon prepare the context for releasing and freeing all political prisoners and therefore redeem the status of the judicial branch.

The Righteous and noble people of Iran,

Despite numerous differences in how to govern the country and self-fulfilling interpretations of the Constitution by some officials, a relative solidarity and unity existed between people with different opinions , different political factions , majority of the people, and state officials. Before the election, though people’s rights and freedoms were ignored, ethnic and religious minorities were disrespected, women and youth were insulted and confronted sometimes violently, the nation was demoralized, and academic and religious scholarly institutions were under tremendous pressure to submit to the powerful, it still did not compare to what happened in the election and events after it.

They [certain officials] fully utilized the public funds, public media, the military, and the reserves to deny people their say and clumsily rig the election results. They insulted and humiliated the people and their movement after the election, and worst of all ignored the protestors. Such large-scale corruption had never taken place in the past 30 years.

Thus, even if there was a relative national unity in the country a year ago, after some officials plundered people’s votes, such unity seems impossible. The election candidates as well as their supporters along with many sects and groups in the society protested this big and obvious wrongdoing. We remember the message that brought them together: “Where is my vote?”

But unfortunately the administration has decided to react to the demonstrations by employing violence, heightening security, jailing and torturing protestors, and convicting them in show trials instead of listening to their message and acting fairly within the legal framework. These actions have taken a great toll on the nation. They have falsely accused some of the most experienced leading figures in the religious and political scene of infidelity, treason, and armed confrontation. They are selling out all the worldly and spiritual capital of the country.

My beloved nation of Iran,

As you all know, and I as I have mentioned before, events of last year have exposed those who think of themselves as connected to the powerful. Their foot soldiers are their media outlets and websites who steal from the oil income and other public funds. They are burning down the Islamic Republic in flames so large that have reached all the dedicated servants of the people and revolutionaries. Their flames have even reached Imam Khomeini’s house and that of his grandchild –-- Seyed Hassan, who is a great scholar and intellectual –--- and other senior clergymen.

We all saw the group of thugs who dishonored Imam Khomeini’s house and Mausoleum . We also saw the wide condemnation of these foolish acts from the people and clergymen. In reaction to this condemnation, a newspaper, surrounded by many evils and which knows no law or boundaries in using foul language, backed the thugs who insulted Imam’s grandson for the crime of being on the people’s side.

This was not enough for the malevolent newspaper. Without regard for anything, they ripped through the veil of respect for the Sources of Emulation. In a wave of insults never seen before, they threatened those who had condemned the attacks on descendents of Imam [Khomeini]. This newspaper scolded the Sources of Emulation for their concerns. The newspaper asked them: “What can [possibly] stand against the defence of Islam and the Revolution?”

It is very unfortunate that people [who] have no understanding of the Islamic and Revolutionary teachings of Imam [Khomeini] still want to impose their power-hungry understanding on others with threats, force, and prison. [These "others"] include the greatest and most respected Sources of Emulation within Shi’ite Islam. [Such actions are committed] while the history of Emulation is long and its position is very well-regarded. Sources of Emulation are the guardians of Prophet Mohammad’s Islam during the time before the return of his descendant. But [the hardliners] even see these [revered figures] as subjects to their power. This is why they send their ground-troops to the offices of Sources of Emulation in Qom to invite them to the "right" path. And when the Sources of Emulation deny this, they pay a group to attack the offices of Grand Ayatollah Saane’i and Grand Ayatollah Montazeri and demand that they exit Qom.

Thinking about these incidents and [seeing] images from these wild attacks leads us to [ask] the following questions: Has respect and dignity for religion and Sources of Emulation ever been ripped apart this badly in the history of the Shi’ites? How is it that some people have shifted from [being members] of a group that used the name of the daughter of the great Prophet as code for its operations –-- people who defended the land against those who waged war –-- to those who attack the offices of eminent Sources of Emulation at 5.30 in the morning and loot their property, belongings, and religious books?

Who is ready to answer for this great deviation? We still remember the days before the victory of the Revolution when the bold opinion of one person against one Source of Emulation, [published] in a prominent newspaper, was met with a storm of response. But today a newspaper which is seen as the representative of the Supreme Leader insults these religious figures so easily. Maybe today’s awful constraints, as well as the immeasurable protection and financial support that these slanderers receive, stops people from holding them accountable and responding to them. But they should know that people will never forget these insults. Let them even ignore the people. If they are not responding, will God stand still and do nothing in the face of such terrible oppression of great men of religion and Islam?

If we move past the slander and insult in that evil editorial, there is a detail that is actually accurate and worth thinking about. [I am talking about] a quote from Ali, the first Imam of the Shi’ites. He said that individuals should be judged based on the criteria of justice; not that justice should be measured by what some individuals proclaim. Indeed, what is the definition of right and wrong (and justice) from the perspective of these "honorable" men? How can you respond to people’s demands for their votes with bullets and then talk about justice? What formed the basis of people’s demands was their right to vote. After the atrocities at Kahrizak detainment center and other legal and illegal prisons, people began to add more demands to their list. How can you open fire on people and then ask them to stop asking for those responsible?

Who from the beginning interpreted pronouncing justified demands and asking questions about [our] votes against the Guardianship of the Jurist [Velayat-e-Faqih]? Why, by means of the Guardianship of the Jurist has a hatchet been taken to the very roots of the Constitution and the Islamic Republic that was founded on the people’s vote? Why has the authority of Guardianship of the Jurist been so greatly extended that I doubt that much authority and power were [even] given to the Prophets or the infallible [Shi’a] Imams? I even doubt that God considers himself to have the right to deal with his servants in the same way [that the Supreme Leader does].

Historically, Shi’a Islam considers criticism of the ruler not only necessary but a requirement based on the Sharia law stipulation that describes “advising the leader of Muslims” [1] . Imam Sadegh [2] says “my dearest brother is the one who tells me my faults”. But as you can see, these gentlemen understand voicing opinions and views to be in opposition to Guardianship of the Jurist .The Supreme Leader expressed his opinion regarding the election [and post-election events]. But the people, while maintaining respect for him , had a different view and demanded that their votes [be counted]. Is it possible to take away the people’s right to question [events] and to distort their perception and understanding by jailing them in places like Kahrizak or killing them? They attack Marjaas and damage their homes, justifying [their actions] based on the views of the Supreme Leader. Or, by recruiting thugs, [they] insult the compatriots of Imam Khomeini and crush the articles of the Constitution under their authoritarian boots. Imam Khomeini’s compatriots and [our] wise people have not forgotten his tradition, manners and conduct. On many occasions where Imam Khomeini voiced his opinion on an issue, officials acted differently and according to their own judgments and understanding. Yet the Imam was never upset over this. [Moreover], no one would object to those officials or infringe on their rights. If the greatest marjas and the Supreme Leader do not detect the crescent of the new moon that marks the end of Ramadaan; if, instead an illiterate shepherd or simple laborer observes the new moon on the high hill of his territory and therefore breaks his fast – can someone call him an infidel, an armed dissident, a stooge of the US and of Zionism and [accuse him of acting] against the Guardianship of the Jurist as well as the state? If we assume the officials did not realize that the people’s votes were stolen, but people have observed it with their own eyes, can someone call them an infidel or an armed dissident, or [accuse them of being] against the Guardianship of the Jurist ? How is asking questions regarding one’s votes related to opposing Islam, religion and the Guardianship of the Jurist ? How is it that some people consider a demand for rights to be a crime and against the Guardianship of the Jurist when, in Islam, a dissident can debate with an infallible Imam even regarding the existence of God?

Freedom-loving and noble people of Iran

We all remember that the socio-political views of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran were different from those of the great Marja of the time, Ayatollah Boroudjerdi . But no one recalls them having said anything against each other or having encouraged and incited their supporters to confront each other, causing unrest in religious society.

We all recall the Imam’s response to the different views of Marjaas[Sources of Emulation] within the seminary. In particular, [we recall] the manner with which he responded to the late Ayatollah Golpayegani’s social and even political views, as well as his views on jurisprudence The announcement for Eid-e-Fetr for all Muslims was even made in his name in all of the media outlets. I recall, specifically, a tape that a number of people had recorded of one of Ayatollah Golpaygani’s sermons. It was about fifteen minutes long and related to the Guardianship of the Jurist [Velayat-e Faqih ] His views were in complete contradiction to the Imam’s, yet when they brought this tape to the Imam, he ordered for Ayatollah Golpaygani’s remarks to be broadcast on national radio twice with all the details. We all recall that during the first presidential term of the current Supreme Leader [4], he had in mind a candidate for Prime Minister who was not recommended by the Imam or by Parliament. How beautiful [it was] that [Khamenei] was able to firmly stand behind his decision even though the Imam, with the power of the Guardianship of the Jurist , did not agree with him. The response to opposing the Supreme Leader as well as the Velayat-e Faqih was different at the time. . I even remember the infamous events that followed the election of Mr. Mousavi to the post of Prime Minister for a second time in 1364. 99 Parliamentary representatives did not vote for Mr. Mousavi and the current Supreme Leader, who was president at the time, famously stated that “99 people have cast a vote of non confidence and that will be 100 votes if you include mine.” He also stated the following during the inauguration and in the presence of spectators and reporters: “As I administer this presidential oath, I pledge that its execution is not completely within my authority.” With that announcement, [Khamenei] continued to assert his opposition to the choice of the Imam. However, neither he nor any of the members of Parliament who voted against the Imam’s selection were insulted, arrested, or described as against the regime or the Guardianship of the Jurist We can all recall the speech of one of the representatives of the second Parliament and the comments he made to those who disapproved of the fact that his words were against the views of the Imam: “If [speaking against the Imam] is unacceptable, then maybe he should send 270 ‘muzzles’ to Parliament.” Even after making such an inflammatory statement, that individual was never frowned upon by the Imam or his offices. He was never harassed, tortured or arrested for that speech. In fact, he was even appointed to a senior legal position within the Guardian Council and served as deputy to the Judiciary. He was also on the radar of many high-level officials within the regime. I remember that when he visited the Imam – even though it was not customary at that time – they even broadcast the news that a member of Parliament had visited the Imam on national radio.

Now compare that Guardianship of the Jurist which one might imagine, based on the scholarly and practical teachings of the founder of the Islamic Republic, with the image that is presented today of the Guardianship of the Jurist and the defense of which casts a shadow over what goes on. God knows what damage the betrayal by a number of people of the Guardianship of the Jurist and the people’s religion has done to the people and their spiritual beliefs.

Proud and Noble Nation of Iran:

One year after the tenth presidential elections and after what they did with your votes, and one year after blood was spilled so that you may gain your rights, I declare again, clearly and sincerely, that in accordance with my pact with you I have stood firm until the very end, and that I am ready to sit down with anyone who should present themselves from the side of the authorities and debate with them. I will express my views on the Constitution, the Line of the Imam, and the Revolution, so that the people—the same people of whom the Imam said that his life is a sacrifice for each and every one of them—may sit in judgment and establish which are the people who have deviated from the Constitution, the path and thought and ideals of the Revolution, and which are the people who despite all the pressures and difficulties they have faced have held fast to the principles [of the Revolution and Constitution]. It is only in this kind of free debate in front of the nation that the lost trust of the people can be recovered. And had it been it possible to convince the people with this mass of propaganda and with a quagmire of lies and accusations, there would have been no need for crackdowns, and they would have given protesters permission to hold a silent march, without fear and without recourse to armed force. Yet the opponents of the people’s vote were not prepared to allot to the protesters even an insignificant share of the possibilities of expression through the media and propaganda channels which they [the authorities] control, so that they [the protesters] might explain and given an account of or declare their positions, or express their viewpoint and defend themselves from the unjust accusations brought against them. Rather the gentlemen saw logic in bullets and fired them on the people. Astonishingly, the gentlemen, instead of running the country and listening to the voice of the people, in this “heavenly Islamic city”[4] shouted slogans about running the world and planning for its inhabitants. They fear both the people and their own shadows, and instead of development for the country, their programme is composed of crackdowns and the spread of prisons and Kahrizaks [detention/torture centres], while in their heads they also entertain the idea of running the world.

Noble and Righteous Nation of Iran:

The vote they stole from you and the rights that they took from you unjustly are a shameful stain that cannot be hidden with whatever colour it is painted over. This is so much the case that after one year, despite all the pressures and intimidation, not only have your rightful demands not been forgotten, but this desire for change has taken deep root in different layers of society, based on an extensive social network. This widespread desire is not something that can be destroyed by means of crackdowns, intimidation, arrests and arbitrary courts. God has requested of believers that they be patient and enduring, and has promised them victory. Although your road is hard and winding, nonetheless the future promised by God belongs to you and the oppressors are destined to nothingness. “Is not the morning nigh?” [5]

[1] A well known quote from Prohpet Mohammad Peace Be Upon Him , regarded by him as one of the most important responsibilities of Muslims.

[2] The six Shia Imam

[3] Ayatollah Khamenie

[4] An ironic allusion to the claims made by some high-ranking dignitaries that the aim of the Islamic Republic is to build a heavenly regime, literally omm olqora-ye eslam, ‘Mother of the Villages of Islam’, in Iran.

[5] Quran 11:81.