UPDATED Iran Document: The Prosecutor on the Executions, "Leaders of Sedition" (15 May)

UPDATE 1045 GMT: OK, I won't say that the Iranian authorities are feeling the pressure of the fallout from the 9 May executions, but Dowlatabadi's public-relations campaign is becoming more intense. He has now given an interview to Press TV, which has provided a "rush transcript". The discussion covers both the case of Clotilde Reiss, the French graduate student released by Iran this weekend, and the five Iranians who were hung; however, Press TV's headline focuses only on the latter, "Tehran prosecutor talks crimes of executed five".

There is little in Dowlatabadi's beyond the interview with Fars News, translated and posted blow. Instead, the significance is the outlet. Given Press TV is Iran's international outlet, looks like Tehran feels a need to sway foreign as well domestic opinion.

The US Open Source Center provides a translation of Saturday's statement of Tehran Prosecutor General Abbas Jafari Dowlatabadi, carried by Fars News (hat tip to an EA reader):


Ja'fari-Dowlatabadi has provided some details about the times, the methods and the reasons for the arrest of five counter-revolutionary terrorists who have been executed recently. He also warned one of the defeated candidates in the election, pointing out that his support for those individuals was a new offense, and the day when the trial of the leaders of sedition starts attention will be paid to all these issues as well.

According to the report of the legal correspondent of Fars News Agency, in a comprehensive interview the Public Prosecutor of Tehran Abbas Ja'fari-Dowlatabadi has referred to the way that five counter-revolutionary individuals were arrested. He said: "As it has been pointed out in the statement issued by the prosecutor's office, law-enforcement officials became suspicions of a vehicle on 28/5/1385 (18 August 2006), and while inspecting it they discovered five kilograms of explosives in it. Three individuals known as Farzad Kamangar, Farhad Vakili and Ali Heydarian who were trying to flee were arrested. Of course, one of those individuals managed to escape, but he was arrested later on in Sanandaj."

He added: "The activities of those three individuals included preparing a team (safe) house in Tehran in order to carry out terrorist operations, as well as making use of forged documents. In subsequent searches, 17 kilograms of explosives and a large quantity of weapons, including 57 RPG shells and 600 rounds of ammunition were seized."

According to the remarks of Tehran prosecutor, subsequent searches showed that the accused had been busy carrying out acts of sabotage since 1377 (the year that stated on 20 March 1998). However, they had started their operations after the armed Pezhak (Kurdish separatist group PEJAK) mini-group was formed. They had managed to explode bombs in the buildings of Kermanshah's governor's office and the Department of Commerce. Fortunately, they were arrested before they were able to carry out explosions in Tehran, which they had planned.

Referring to the fact that the families of the executed individuals have given rise to certain suspicions in Western media that the accused had been convicted in a trial lasting six minutes, he told Panjareh (Windows) Weekly: "The destroyed (executed) individuals were arrested on 28/5/1385. On 1/4/1386 (21 June 2007), namely a year later, a bill of indictment was issued for them. Their trial was held on 10/11/1386 (29 January 2008) after the bill of indictment had been sent to the court. The court sentence was communicated to the accused on 6/12/1386 (24 February 2008). As the result of their protest (appeal) their case was sent to the country's Supreme Court, and the sentence was confirmed by the Supreme Court on 10/12/1387 (28 February 2009), or about a year later."

He stressed: "The process of the trial started on 25/8/1385 (18 August 2006), and it ended on 10/12/1387, and the sentences were carried out in the year 1389 (the year starting on 20 March 2010). In other words, the process of the trial of the accused had taken four years."

All the four accused were directly involved in terrorist missions planned by Pezhak (PEJAK). Responding to a question as to whether all the five (as published) individuals who had been arrested had been members of Pezhak mini-group, Tehran's prosecutor said: "Farzad Kamangar, Farhad Vakili, Ali Heydarian, and Shirin Alam-Huli were members of Pezhak mini-group. Alam-Huli had been arrested in Tehran on 6/3/1387 (26 May 2008) following some explosive operations at the premises of the Guards Corps. Her latest defense (presumably interrogation) had been made on 7/6/1387 (28 August 2008) and then her file was sent to the court. She was tried on 7/10/1387 (27 December 2008), and her sentence had been confirmed (presumably by Supreme Court) on 25/11/1388 (13 February 2009)."

He pointed out: "All the four condemned had been directly involved in Pezhak (PEJAK) mini-group terrorist missions, and explosives had been seized from all of them. The activities of those individuals fell under article 186 of the Islamic penal code. On the basis of that article, anyone who is a member or supporter of the warring (muharib) armed groups that are opposed to the system of the Islamic Republic and who had taken active and effective steps against the system will be regarded as a muharib. This is the text of the law, and it is not the case that the judiciary will condemn anyone to death for no reason."

Ja'fari Dowlatabadi added: "Those four individuals had been actively cooperating with the hostile mini-groups that had been fighting against the system of the Islamic Republic. Explosives had been discovered on them, they had taken part in explosive operations, and there is no doubt or hesitancy about the fact that they have been guilty and muharib, and the court sentences had been issued correctly."

Mehdi Eslamian was a member of the counter-revolutionary Tondar mini-group (a monarchist organisation). Regarding the fifth person, namely Mehdi Eslamian, Tehran prosecutor said: "He was a member of the counter-revolutionary Tondar mini-group, and he had been involved in the explosion in the Rahpuyan-e Vesal Hoseyniyyeh (a special mosque for holding Imam Husayn mourning ceremonies) in Shiraz, which had resulted in the martyrdom of about 14 people among the pious inhabitants of that city. Eslamian's brother, called Mohsen, was executed in Ordibehesht last year (the month starting on 20 April 2009) of last year in Shiraz."

Tehran prosecutor pointed out that Eslamian had prior knowledge regarding that explosion and when the perpetrators of that explosion had fled he had played an important role in providing financial and other forms of support for his brother. Ja'fari Dowlatabadi said: "His brother had come to Tehran in order to carry out explosive operations and Mehdi Eslamian had been cooperating with his brother during all the stages while being fully informed about his intention."

Creating such a negative climate is aimed at weakening the judiciary's ability to issue similar sentences in the future

This responsible official in the Judiciary responded to the point that the families of the condemned had called for the implementation of article 18 (of Islamic penal codes). He said: "It would only be possible to suspend the implementation of confirmed sentences only if an amnesty is issued by the esteemed leader of the revolution (Ayatollah Ali Khamene'i). The other alternative is to move in a different direction, such as the implementation of the amendment concerning article 18 of the law regarding public and revolutionary courts. We are not the body that can investigate the request about the implementation of the amended article 18."

He pointed out: "If their lawyer had wished to make a request in connection with that article, he should have followed up the matter through official channels. Furthermore, the implementation of that article is a part of the prerogative of the esteemed head of the Judiciary (Ayatollah Sadeqh Larijani), and the reports regarding the files had been brought to his notice before the sentences had been carried out. The reason that they made that claim was merely in order to cast doubt and suspicion on the implementation of the sentences."

Speaking about the hostile propaganda of foreign media regarding the execution of the above-mentioned individuals, Tehran prosecutor said: "There is no doubt about the hostility of arrogant and Western media towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. They make use of every opportunity to deliver blows at the Islamic system. Furthermore, by engaging in a great deal of hue and cry Western media are trying to prevent Iran's progress. They know that the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is faithful to its religious and ideological values. Consequently, they engage in hostile propaganda in order to force the judiciary to give in to their demands as the result of their hostile propaganda. They try to frighten the judges so that if other such sentences were to be passed they could not be implemented. However, such tools are ineffective."

Tehran prosecutor stressed: "One should kiss the hands of these honest judges who are bravely withstanding such pressures." He added: "I believe that such hostile propaganda is mainly in order to create a climate as the result of which they can pursue their goals. They know that under no system, including their own liberal systems, will the government allow armed groups to try to topple the government. The only exception is the work carried out by liberation movements in the occupied (Palestinian) territories, such as the work that is being carried out against the Zionist regime. All governments condemn the use of terrorism, weapons and explosives. How can Western media support the armed terrorist groups that have been involved in explosive operations and who have confessed to the membership in counter-revolutionary mini-groups (whose headquarters are still in existence)?"

Ja'fari Dowlatabadi added: "Such hostile propaganda is only aimed at weakening the Judiciary trying to prevent it from issuing similar sentences. Nevertheless, as in the past, the Judiciary will remain firm and strong against the criminals and those who have committed some offenses and who are active against the Islamic system, and it will act within the framework of the law. Under no circumstances would the non-implementation of final sentences be acceptable."

The execution of those five individuals had nothing to do with recent disturbances.
Tehran prosecutor was told that foreign media engage in a great deal of propaganda alleging that the individuals who had been executed had been among those who had been accused of involvement in post-election events. He said: "The two people who were executed last year [Mohammad Reza Zamani and Arash Ramanipour, hung in January] and these five individuals who have been executed have two different experiences (as published). Regarding the first two, called Mohammad Ali Zamani and Arash Rahmanpur, we carried out the sentences without providing any information (presumably to the media). We only took part in one press conference, and we did not connect their issue to the events on the day of Ashura (the tenth day of Muharram, the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn, when there were some clashes in Tehran)."

He added: "Of course, the time when the executions were carried out was close to those events and was prior to the 30th of Bahman (18 February 2010). The Westerners have made those claims in order to engage in hostile propaganda. Following those hostile propaganda, in a statement we also revealed some facts about those two individuals as well."

In response to a question by Panjareh (Weekly), this judicial official stressed: "Regarding these five individuals, we issued a statement at the same time when the sentences were implemented, in order not to repeat the former experience. Nevertheless, we see that they (presumably Western media) are still pursuing their goals. The offenses of these seven people have been entirely connected with the events prior to the election and the subsequent disturbances."

He stressed: "Those executions had nothing to do with recent disturbances. Some people try to insinuate that through these executions the judiciary has tried to create a climate of fear and intimidation on the eve of the month of Khordad (June) and the anniversary of the election. However, we strongly deny those claims."

Ja'fari Dowlatabadi added: "These sentences had to be carried out, and the time for the implementation of those sentences is up to the prosecutor. Naturally, we must choose the times in such a way that it would give rise to the least amount of suspicion. We thought that this was a good time for carrying out those sentences. We do not have any analysis regarding a connection (presumably there was no connection) between those executions and the anniversary of the election or the period leading up to it."

He pointed out that some sentences might be passed now, but they may be executed many years later. How could one engage in an analysis (say) that these sentences have been passed for the sake of those days? In the year 1385 nobody could have imagined what would happen in the year 1388, so that we could have prepared those sentences for today."

The death sentences of three people were commuted to jail sentences by the court of appeal

In response to a question as to whether any of those who had been arrested in connection with the post-election events had been executed or not, Dowlatabadi said: "We have issued bills of indictment for ten people who had been arrested during the post-election events, especially on Ashura, on charges of muharib (fighting against God). Three of the sentences of execution passed by the primary court were confirmed by the court of appeal."

He provided the following details about these cases: "Ahmad Daneshpur-Moqaddam, Mohsen Daneshpur-Moqaddam, and Abdolreza Qanbari have been among the supporters and partisans of the Hypocrites (Monafeqin, a pejorative way of referring to the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organisation) mini-group. On the day of Ashura, Abdolreza Qanbari was directly sending reports to the Hypocrites. The death sentences of those three individuals have been confirmed. However, they have asked for an amnesty. Three other people called Motahhari Bahrami-Haqiqi, Reyhaneh Haj Ebrahim-Dabbagh, and Hadi Qa'emi were sentenced to death in the preliminary court, but the appeal court has commuted their sentences to imprisonment."

Arsalan Abadi and Mohammad Valian have been found not guilty of acting as muharib (warriors against God). Ja'fari Dowlatabadi added: "At the moment, we have three death sentences that have been confirmed, which refer to Mohammad Ali Saremi, Ja'far Kazemi, and someone known as Mohammad Ali Hajaqa'i. All three are among the supporters of the Hypocrites and their links with the Hypocrites are clear and definite. These three who have organizational affiliation (to the Mojahedin) were arrested in Shahrivar 1388 (September 2009)."

Tehran's prosecutor said: "Consequently, the bills of indictment issued in connection with the events of Ashura on charges of muhariba (fighting against God) include ten cases. Out of those, Arsalan Abadi and Mohammad Valian have been acquitted of charges of muhariba. The sentences of three of them have been confirmed and the sentences of three others have been commuted. The charges against two other individuals have not been investigated yet and they are awaiting trial."

He stressed that so far none of those sentences has been carried out and that all the hue and cry that is being made regarding the issue is baseless. He continued: "However, it is important to point out that the sentences of 217 of those who have been found guilty in connection with post-election incidents have been confirmed. Their protests (appeals) have been investigated and the sentences have been confirmed."

It would have been better for the former prime minister (Mir Hossein Musavi) if he had not added these charges to his file

Regarding the statement issued by one of the election candidates, in which he has condemned these executions, this judiciary official said: "In this connection, I remind you to two Islamic teachings. The first teaching is that you should not speak about an issue about which you have no knowledge. The second teaching is that one should not cover up the facts. The Jewish people were accused (in the Koran) of having covered up some facts despite having been aware of them. Covering up the facts is one of the worst charges that the Holy Koran has laid against the Prophet's opponents."

He added: "I would like to ask that individual (Mousavi) how many pages of these files he has read that he allows himself to pass such judgement on them. It would have been better for him if he had not added these charges to his file."

Tehran's prosecutor pointed out: "What is the meaning of defending those who have committed terrorist acts, who have martyred a number of people, from who a number of weapons have been seized and who have risen up against the Islamic system! How can those who claim to be following the line of the Imam (Khomeini) (may he rest in peace) forget his teachings regarding the need to fight against the warring mini-groups!"

Ja'fari Dowlatabadi added: "He (Mousavi) was the prime minister during the years when a number of executions were carried out against the Hypocrites on the orders of the Imam. If he is making such claims now, how could he have served during those years? He has no right to question the sentences of the courts that have been confirmed and to express a view about them that would please the enemies of the Islamic system."

The prosecutor general would definitely act about the support of a candidate for the individuals who have been executed

The public and revolutionary prosecutor of Tehran was asked about the investigation of the file of that individual (Mousavi). He said: "By expressing those views, he has in fact supported the guilty individuals and the counter-revolutionary mini-groups and has questioned the explicit sentences of the court. When a sentence has been confirmed no one is entitled to accuse the judiciary and in this way to please the enemies of the Islamic Republic, so that they imagine that we have executed a number of innocent individuals, and this is very unfair."

Dowlatabadi stressed: "The prosecutor general will definitely act at an appropriate time, and this has nothing to do with the electoral issues. In the year 1367 (the year that started on 20th March 1988) he (Mousavi) was completely familiar with the binding orders of His Eminence the Imam (may he rest in peace) regarding the Hypocrites, and he knows full well that the judiciary acts within the framework of national laws. The contents of the files clearly demonstrate that fact. He has been aware of the files of Farzad Kamangar (one of the five executed on 9 May) and others. The fact that the sentences are carried out a few years later does not mean that the sentences that had been issued had been wrong. They had not been carried out (earlier on) for a number of reasons and now the judiciary has carried them out."

He stressed: "It would be better for these individuals who claim to be following the line of the Imam to act in accordance with what they claim. They should specially support this system that has been founded on the basis of Islam and the Koran."

Tehran's prosecutor added: "Such actions are tantamount to trying to flee forward (trying to take the offensive) in order to say that all the sentences that are issued are invalid. In his statement he has stated that we have detained a number of people who have served (the country). However, those who have been arrested in the course of the election disturbances are those who have acted against national security, and according to the laws of the Islamic penal code any action against national security must be punished."

Some of the supporting statements and views of a defeated election candidate are tantamount to spreading lies (against the system)

Speaking about the way that Tehran prosecutor's office would act against the phenomenon of issuing illegal statements, Dowlatabadi said: "We have repeatedly said that we distinguish between criticism and committing a crime. According to the constitution and the press law, it is permissible to criticize the officials of the Islamic Republic and their performance, and nobody should have any concerns regarding that. Criticism has been allowed both during the leadership of His Eminence the Imam and under the leadership of the esteemed leader of the revolution. However, engaging in insults and questioning the pillars of the revolution and supporting some activities that are forbidden by the law would be regarded as offenses."

He stressed: "This man's views and the support that he has provided (for those who have been executed) are tantamount to spreading lies, and expressing such views is an offense. Nowhere in the world is the judiciary attacked in such a brazen manner, especially at a time when the sentences that have been passed by the courts have been confirmed (by the Supreme Court)."

Tehran prosecutor said: "These people wish to please certain individuals and to achieve some status for themselves. However, they overlook the fact that such stances are quite contrary to the aspirations of His Eminence the Imam and his support for the Islamic Republic, in the same way that the events on the day of Ashura exposed a number of people. Some time ago, this man also met with the members of the Freedom Movement, which was very strongly criticised by the Imam, and the views that he expresses are in keeping with the views of that movement."

On the day when the trial of the leaders of sedition starts, attention will be paid to all these issues

Tehran prosecutor stressed: "Many of the stances that he and another defeated candidate have adopted constitute offenses, but as the Islamic system acts on the basis of some considerations regarding their trial we have left it to an appropriate time."
This responsible official in the judiciary pointed out that the fact that we keep quiet does not mean that their actions do not constitute offenses. He said: "Trying them on charges of acting as the leaders of sedition would depend on some Islamic considerations, and we shall definitely act on that basis. However, his recent statement in support of the destroyed (executed) counter-revolutionary criminals is one that is quite different from his former electoral statements and it is contrary to the principles. When they are put on trial all of these issues will be taken into consideration."

The sentences of 217 individual who have been found guilty have been confirmed
Ja'fari Dowlatabadi pointed out that the judiciary must act in accordance with the law, but as the Imam had pointed out the Islamic system takes into account certain considerations that may be beyond our understanding. He added: "Today, we are not acting according to the public demand for prosecuting the leaders of sedition. This is not due to weakness, or negligence, or some form of coordination with them or due to the lack of concern. The reason for this delay is that the time for it (the trial) has not yet arrived." He stressed: "When the right time comes we shall act, exactly as one picks a fruit that is ripe."

Tehran prosecutor said: "We would like to reassure the people that the judiciary acts within this framework. If we are keeping quiet these days it does not mean that we accept (agree with) those statements." He added: "Our working experience during the past 30 years have shown us to act in such a way that we will achieve the goals of the revolution. God willing, we shall respond to this public demand at the right time."

At the end, Ja'fari Dowlatabadi pointed out: "So far, none of the sentences concerning those who have been arrested in connection with recent events has been implemented, and all this hue and cry is baseless. However, it is necessary to point out that the sentences of 217 individuals who have been found guilty of involvement in the post-election incidents have been confirmed. Their protests have been investigated and the sentences have been confirmed."

The Latest from Iran (16 May): Intimidation After the Executions

2115 GMT: Nuclear Twist (cont.). According to Reuters, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu is saying Iran, Turkey, and Brazil have reached agreement on procedure for a uranium swap deal. Details will follow on Monday.

1930 GMT: Nuclear Twist. Reuters is following Turkish television in reporting that Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who on Friday had cancelled his trip to Tehran, has reversed his decision and is now in Iran.

The move is a signal that the Iranian talks with Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva have put a deal on the table which involves Turkish mediation. Could there also be a role for Turkey as a broker in a uranium swap outside Iran?

NEW Iran Blackout: Shutting Down the Movies
Iran: Last Words of Executed Alamhouli “For God’s Sake, Let Me Hear My Mother’s Voice” (Ghazi)
The Latest from Iran (15 May): Executions, Detentions and a Cancellation

1835 GMT: Intimidation (cont.). In a letter to Sadegh Larijani, the head of Iran's judiciary, 175 members of Parliament have called for immediate action against opposition figures as "heads of sedition”.


In the letter, read out by conservative MP Hassan Ghafouri Fard in the Majlis, the legislators called for “accelerating” the investigation of complaints against Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mahdi Karroubi.

The MPs also state that the “heads of the sedition” have no regard for the judicial system in Iran and have attacked Karroubi and Mousavi for their recent remarks against the sudden and unjust execution of five political activists on charges of terrorism.

1630 GMT: The Brazil Dimension (cont.). The Associated Press has a different take on the Lula-Ahmadinejad talks from other reports (see `1600 GMT). While there was no reference to any discussions on uranium enrichment, there was a defense of Iran's nuclear programme:

Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva met with Iranian leaders on Sunday, and called the relationship between the two countries “strategic.”

Speaking in defense of Iran’s right to “independently navigate its course” to seek development and improvement, Silva stressed that a peaceful nuclear research program was within Iran’s sovereign rights.

1600 GMT: The Brazil Dimension. Iranian state media's presentation of today's meetings between President Ahmadinejad and Brazi's Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has featured the two leaders' talk of economic co-operation but said nothing about the nuclear issue. mbitions, an initial joint statement from the two leaders was silent on the subject.A joint statement focused on an increase of two-way trade.

Lula also said Brazil will finance 1 billion Euros of food exports to Iran over the next five years to make trade between the two countries less dependent on foreign banks.

1540 GMT: Sentencing Human Rights Activists (In Absentia). Iran has sentenced award-winning women's rights activist Shadi Sadr and fellow activist Mahbubeh Abbas-Gholizadeh to jail and lashes over a protest in 2007.

The lawyer for the two women, Mohammad Mostafai, said Sadr was sentenced to six years in jail and 74 lashes for acting against national security and harming public order. Abbas-Gholizadeh received two-and-a-half years in jail and 30 lashes on similar charges.

(Read Sadr's article, "Getting to the Point on Detentions and Human Rights", her speech at the UN on abuse, justice, and human rights, or her acceptance of the 2009 Human Rights Defenders Tulip award.)

Both women, who are now abroad, were arrested with 30 other protestors at a rally in March 2007 outside a Revolutionary Court where four fellow feminists were on trial.

1325 GMT: Political Prisoner Watch. More on the arrest of Mohsen Armin, spokesman and senior member of the Mojahedin of Islamic Revolution party....

Armin's daughter said security officers, with a search warrant and arrest warrant, took away her father and confiscated his laptop, some documents, and identification cards. Iranian authorities tried to arrest Armin justafter the election and after the Ashura demonstration (27 December), but he was away from home on both occasions.

1200 GMT: Rafsanjani Watch. Hashemi Rafsanjani, former President and current head of the Expediency Council, has condemned censorship and fabrication of facts, describing policies behind these actions as "futile."

Rafsanjani said that, in today’s world, “[We must] coordinate actions with human principles....We must create an open space and fall into step with the rest of the world.”

1110 GMT: Spin of the Week? A reader kindly alerts us to a reference in the Iranian media to the claimed strike in Kurdistan.

Tabnak insists that any news and pictures of empty streets in Kurdistan's cities were just foreign propaganda and claims that thousands of Kurds marched in support of the "Kurdish Leadership Conference".

1100 GMT: No Connection. Move Along. Iranian Foreign Ministry Spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast has denied any link between Iran's released of French graduate student Clotilde Reiss, arrested last July, and a French court's acquittal of Iranian businessman Majid Kakavand on charges that he exported US military technology to Iran: "The two cases have absolutely no relation with each other."

1010 GMT:  Political Prisoner Watch. Mohsen Armin, spokesman and senior member of the Mojahedin of Islamic Revolution party, has been arrested.

0930 GMT: In the Universities. Rah-e-Sabz carries a report claiming that professors are now being appointed for their willingness to support the Government line rather than for their academic qualifications.

0900 GMT: Conservatives Defend the System (Against Hardliners). The interesting conflict between "Green Movement v. Government" continues with two statements within the establishment warning of "hardliner" challenges.

Mohammad Nabi Habibi, head of the Motalefeh Party has said, "Our discord is like a red carpet for reformists." Majid Ansari of the Combatant Clergy Association argues that the cooperation of "moderate hardliners" and reformists is not a current outside acceptable Iranian politics.

0855 GMT: Beating the Oil Squeeze? Whatever the outcome of Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva's visit to Tehran on the nuclear front, it looks like Iran can claim a success over oil.

The head of Brazil's energy regulator, Haroldo Lima, has said that Lula and Iranian leaders are likely to sign a memorandum opening the way for Brazilian companies to participate in the modernization of Iran's oil sector: "We have equipment, the engineering and the parts for the oil sector that can help in their modernization."

Lima said that, in exchange, Iran could provide Brazil with drills to help in the exploration of deep-water oil: "In Brazil we have a great shortage of companies that have the capacity to do this exploration. They are making drills available."

0845 GMT: Intimidation (cont.). The Resalat newspaper has continued the threat against Mousavi, fed by regime officials like Gholam-Hossein-Elham of the Guardian Council and Tehran Prosecutor General Abbas Jafari Dowlatabadi: the leaders of "fitna" (sedition) need to feel the iron fist of the law.

0800 GMT: Challenge. Mohammad Hashemi, a member of the Expediency Council and brother of Hashemi Rafsanjani, has declared that if the people do not want it, the Iranian system cannot exist.

0740 GMT: Film Corner. As director Jafar Panahi continues to sit in Evin Prison, we've posted a feature on the latest warning by Iranian authorities to actors and filmmakers: don't cooperate with foreigners without permission.

0730 GMT: Economy Watch. Minister of Welfare and Social Security Sadegh Mahsouli has said that the subsidy reduction plan will start this week in three Iranian provinces.

0715 GMT: That Dangerous Foreign Education. Mohammad Shahryari, a member of Parliament's National Security Committee, has confirmed that the committee is reviewing the situation of 400 Iranian students at British universities.

The 400 are the children of Iranian officials. Karim Abedi, another committee member, had said on Friday, "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has informed Iranian ambassadors abroad to take the actions necessary to prevent the children of Iranian officials from studying at foreign universities."

Shahryari said, "Though no final decision has been made on the return of these children to the country so far, it deems advisable for these people not to study at British universities."

0710 GMT: Speaking of Intimidation.... Member of Parliament Moussa Ghorbani, speaking with Fars News, claims that Sadegh Larijani, the head of Iran's judiciary, has said authorities will pursue those who create “anxiety” in society through text messages.

Ghorbani, who met Larijani on Saturday, said he was told that the judiciary will track down “destructive” text messages which lead to the “anxiety of public opinion”.

0640 GMT: And the Future? Dowlatabadi also gave a lengthy statement about the supposed resolution of 217 post-election cases, and there was further news from his office. Amongst the decisions were the confirmation of six death sentences and the commutation of four to jail terms (see yesterday's updates).

Defenders of the Iranian regime will argue that this establishes the due process and fairness of the judicial system. Those who are more critical may see a carrot-and-stick approach. While giving way on some of the "mohareb" (warriors against God) sentenced to hang, in part because of the reaction to last week's executions and claims that they are linked to political intimidation before 12 June, Tehran is also showing its determination that some protestors will sit on Death Row and could on short notice face the noose.

0620 GMT: A week ago, we were just getting the news of the sudden early-morning executions of 5 Iranians --- Farzad Kamangar, Mehdi Eslamian, Ali Heydarian, Farhad Vakili, and Shirin Alamhouli --- at Evin Prison. Today we begin with the latest attempt to defend the executions, the statement of Tehran Prosecutor General Abbas Jafari Dowlatabadi as reported by Press TV:

[Dowlatabadi] said that three of the five people were arrested in 2006 for carrying five kilograms of explosives, adding that other weapons including 57 rockets and 600 shells were later confiscated from the terrorists.

He revealed that the five began their terrorist activities shortly after the formation of the Party for Free Life in Kurdistan (PJAK) and bombed the governor's office and a state building in the western province of Kermanshah.

“Fortunately they were arrested before carrying out a planned bombing in Tehran.”

Dolatabadi said that the five had been indicted in 2007 and were tried and found guilty in 2008. “They appealed the verdict but the Supreme Court upheld their convictions.”

The prosecutor said that four of the five terrorists were PJAK members and had been directly involved in the terrorist attacks carried out by the group. He added that the four had been convicted of moharebe (waging war on God) and acting against national security.

According to Dolatabadi, the only woman among the four terrorists was arrested in 2008 for an attempted bombing in an IRGC base. “She was tried and found guilty in 2008 and her conviction was upheld in 2010.”

The last of the five was a member of the counterrevolutionary Tondar group and was convicted for complicity in a deadly bombing in the city of Shiraz in 2008, the prosecutor added.

None of Dowlatabadi's assertions above, or in a longer version of the interview in Fars News, are backed up by evidence, thus leaving open the queries that remain over the case (see Thursday's updates).

Just as interesting, however, as Press TV still refuses to name the five executed is the timing of Dowlatabadi's high-profile interview. If the Iranian regime is so secure that these executions were acceptable, in law or in public opinion, why is it continuing to plead the case several days later?

UPDATED Iran Special: Executions, Politics, and the Attack on Nazila Fathi and The New York Times

UPDATE 14 MAY, 0640 GMT: The authors of Race for Iran have posted an attempted rebuttal of this column. As it is largely a misrepresentation of my analysis and a continuing assault on Nazila Fathi, I will not post a detailed response. There is no value in continued conversation with or even recognition of those who are void of information and deaf on ethics and morality.

I will note, however, how the authors met this challenge that I set on Wednesday: "1. Make their own critique of the material surrounding this case of the 5 executed Iranians and present that critique; 2. Alternatively, acknowledge that they have no concern with human rights, justice, and fairness within the Iranian system; 3. If they do so, disclaim any ability to assess the legitimacy of the Iranian Government since they are not concerned with issues — human rights, justice, fairness — which may affect the legitimacy of that Government in the eyes of the Iranian people."

The authors make no attempt to meet the first test, but they do tacitly accwept the second and third challenges: "[Race for Iran] is not focused on human rights; it is focused on Iran and its geopolitics."

UPDATE 14 MAY, 0630 GMT: The Iranian newspaper Kayhan has portrayed Sunday’s executions of “terrorists” as a test of “leaders of recent plots”. However, it regrets that those leaders refuse to “retreat” and “repent”.” (see today's updates).

I look forward to Race for Iran's denunciation of Kayhan, given its linkage of the executions and Government pressure on opposition leaders, for its "pro-Green bias".

The Latest from Iran (14 May): The Meaning of the Strike?

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Let us assume, as their defenders claim, that the recent attack by the authors of Race on Iran on the reporting of Nazila Fathi was motivated solely by a concern over misleading journalism, with unsubstantiated links and unsupported claims. Let us assume that there was no wider motive of wiping away objections so "official justifications" for the execution of five Iranians could remain standing or of discrediting any attempt --- by labelling any critique as "pro-Green" --- to consider the legal and political context of the executions.


Let us assume that --- in contrast to the authors' claim of The New York Times' "agenda-driven, threat-hyping approach" and Fathi's "misleading reporting driven by an inflammatory agenda" --- Race for Iran has no agenda and no wish to hype any Government or institution.

Let us consider Race for Iran's narrow allegations:

1. Fathi has no basis for the link in the following paragraph:

"The Iranian government hanged five Kurdish activists, including a woman, on Sunday morning in the Evin prison in Tehran in what appeared to be an effort to intimidate protesters from marking the anniversary of last year’s huge anti-government rallies after the June 12 election."

The background to Fathi's story is that, two weeks before anticipated demonstrations on 22 Bahman (11 February), Mohammad Reza Ali Zamani and Arash Rahmanipour were executed. Many activists at the time saw this as an effort to intimidate the opposition, for Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, the head of the Guardian Council, had stated in Friday Prayers:

God ordered the prophet Muhammad to brutally slay hypocrites and ill-intentioned people who stuck to their convictions. Koran insistently orders such deaths. May God not forgive anyone showing leniency toward the corrupt on earth.

Fathi does not cite this background. Instead, she cites Hadi Ghaemi of the International Committee for Human Rights in Iran, who no doubt is aware of this background when he stated, “The executions show that this government resorts to any kind of terror and violence to put down any challenge to its authority.”

Now Race for Iran could have done its own research. They could have considered the background, they could have checked out not only ICHRI's release on the executions but their significant collection of material on cases leading up to those executing and considering Ghaemi's claim of numerous sources amongst "Iranian civil society analysts and activists", they could have even taken a look at the case, dating back to detentions in 2006.

They do none of this. They have no sources beyond the reference to "official justifications" (without actually considering those justifications). They have no context --- political or legal --- for their case.

(Consider how this failure to provide any information beyond the attack on Fathi undermines Race for Iran's limited analysis: "The New York-based human rights activist opines that [the hangings] could lay the ground for the execution of post-election protesters'. But, Ms. Fathi herself reports that the five people executed on Sunday were sentenced in 2008—well before the June 12, 2009 presidential election."

The salient point is that, having been detained for 2-4 years, the five prisoners were suddenly rushed on Saturday night towards execution with no legal process and no notice to lawyers or families. Thus, the question, "Why Now?" The possible --- possible, not confirmed --- answer is that there was a political motive, in the context of current and forthcoming events and developments, for public executions.)

However, that is immaterial for the authors, for they have a wider aim beyond any detailed examination of the case: "Ms. Fathi seems to have been intent on using the story of Sunday’s executions to 'keep hope alive' for a revival of the moribund Green Movement".

Now the authors, who have loudly criticised Fathi's unsubstantiated claims, have no evidence for their own. They have no confirmation of Fathi's political views. They have no evidence of her connections to the Green Movement. They have no proof that the story is being disseminated amongst Iranian activists, inside and outside the country, to whip up demonstrations on 12 June.

But proof, let alone journalistic enquiry or analytic rigour, is not their aim. Instead, they wish to establish guilt by assertion: Fathi and The New York Times have a "pro-Green political agenda".

Which means, of course, that the authors can dismiss any article in The New York Times which they do not like --- without having to resort to evidence or context or analysis --- as politically biased.

(Declaration: I write this wearing the badge, when I have been named by Race for Iran, not of professor, academic, or journalist but of "Green Movement partisan".)

2. Fathi is guilty of significant omission when she calls the Kurdish separatist movement PJAK an "armed Kurdish rebel group" and does not mention that it was designated as a terrorist organisation by the US Government in 2009.

Point taken. But if we are going to talk journalism and omissions, consider this omission from Race for Iran's critique.

Here is how the authors deal with the perhaps significant point that the four defendants accused of PJAK membership (the fifth was accused of connections with a monarchist group): "Ms. Fathi...notes that all five denied the charges of which they were convicted “in public letters posted on Web sites'. (She links to the website of the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran to document this claim, but the link takes a reader to a page briefly describing such a letter from only one of the five prisoners.)"

Now the authors could have examined this. They could easily have found letters from at least three of the defendants. They could have cited the testimony of the lawyer for three of the defendants because it was in the ICHRI document that they mention. They could have considered reports on the case by Fereshteh Ghazi, Rooz Online, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Activists News Agency, Rah-e-Sabz, Kalemeh, and other outlets.

They did not none of this because, in my opinion, the fundamental issue of whether the defendants were actually members of PJAK was at best tangential to them. Instead, they want to dismantle the (pro-Green) "preferred narrative" with the possibility that "individuals convicted of terrorist crimes in Iran are members of a group that the U.S. government has designated as a terrorist organization".

So, yes, Fathi could have mentioned that PJAK is proscribed as "terrorist" by the US Government. What Race for Iran wants, however, is much more: they want that to be the dominant statement, not just part of the context. The real question here is not of omission but of priority --- does one, in reporting and analysis, privilege the political issue raised by Race for Iran or the legal and human rights issue raised by the PJAK claim in the trials and executions?

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Nazila Fathi is not immune from criticism. No journalist should be. On occasion EA has challenged her reporting in these post-election months.

Nor should an author, simply because he/she takes a political position, be denied the legitimacy of critiquing a report. Race for Iran has its opinions;I have mine.

However, when that criticism is made, it should be done fairly, not only through a judicious reading of the journalism but by bringing other evidence and context to the table. In this case, Fathi's original article and analysis is based on two named sources, citation of an opposition website, and background material based on a range of unnamed sources.

Race for Iran's response is based on "official justifications" and precisely 0 sources, named or unnamed.

(Race for Iran has offered no comment on Fathi's follow-up article this week, considering the treatment of the families of the executed and the refusal to release the bodies of the prisoners, and its analysis, "The government’s refusal to hand over the bodies to the families appears to stem from a fear of antigovernment demonstrations during burial ceremonies in Kurdish areas.")

And when that criticism is made, it is not enough to deride the supposed "agenda" of one's target. One's own agenda and sources should be declared. If the authors of Race for Iran wish to turn Fathi's sources into her supposed membership of the Green Movement, then let us know the sources behind Race for Iran's commentary.  If the authors want to dismiss Fathi and The New York Times as "pro-Green", then --- in the context of this attack --- let us see the declaration that the authors are "pro-Iran Government", having defended the legitimacy of that Government since the June 2009 elections. Let us see the authors' declaration that, by tearing down Fathi and The New York Times, they may be bolstering the supposed legitimacy --- which has been questioned on issues such as justice, human rights, and fairness --- of that Government.

A final point: Race for Iran's last assault is to link Fathi to The New York Times' reporting, notably by Michael Gordon and Judith Miller, in the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War. I presume that is to make the connection that, as The Times prepared a false rationale for the invasion of Iraq, so its reporters with their "pro-Green" agenda are preparing a false rationale for the attempt to topple the Iranian Government.

Nazila Fathi is not Judith Miller. She did not report from Washington or New York in 2009; she reported from Tehran. She did so, even as journalists were being monitored, pressured, and in many cases detained (coincidentally, Maziar Bahari, detained from June to October 2009, wrote a powerful comment on the executions this week; Race for Iran seems to have missed this further example of "pro-Green" journalism). Fathi, as the post-election conflict, violence, and arrests escalated, continued to put out her reports. Finally, in summer 2009, she had to leave Iran.

This week, as other major "Western" outlets ignored the executions, simply repeated the account given by the Islamic Republic News Agency, or made glaring errors ("five demonstrators were killed"), Fathi considered the story in two articles.

Nazila Fathi is not Judith Miller. Her sources are not Ahmad Chalabi. And Iran 2009-2010, contrary to Race for Iran's attempted link, is not Iraq 2001-2003.

Iran 2009-2010 is Iran 2009-2010. And, rather than attacking any journalist who reports on Iran 2009-2010, simply because they do not like the news or the interpretation, it is high time that the authors of Race for Iran pursued journalism in addition to their political mission.

The Latest from Iran (13 May): Justice, Legitimacy, and a Strike in Kurdistan

2015 GMT: Kurdistan. ADN Kronos summarises, "Many shops, markets and public offices were closed in Kurdistan's main cities of Sanandaj, Saqqez, Kamiaran and Marivan. Most school and university students stayed away from school, according to the CyrusNews opposition website.

In Kamiaran, protesters gathered outside the home of Farzad Kamangar, one of five political prisoners executed on Sunday in Tehran's Evin prison."

2000 GMT: Iran and Iraq Troops Clash. From Agence France Presse:

Iraqi border guards exchanged fire with Iranian troops along the two countries' border on Thursday....

An Iraqi officer was captured by the Islamic Republic's forces in the 90-minute gunfight on the border with Iraq's autonomous Kurdish region, which was apparently sparked when Iranian troops mistook Iraqi soldiers for a Kurdish rebel group.

"Iranian forces thought that the border guards belonged to PJAK (the Party of Free Life of Kurdistan -- an Iranian Kurdish rebel group) and started to open fire," Brigadier General Ahmed Gharib Diskara, the head of Iraq's border guards in Sulaimaniyah province, told reporters.

"The border guards shot back and one officer of the Iraqi army has been captured. Negotiations are ongoing to free him."

NEW Latest Iran Video: Strike in Kurdistan (13 May)
NEW Iran Special: Executions, Politics, and the Attack on Nazila Fathi and The New York Times
NEW Iran Transcript: Mousavi “Do Iranian Mothers Have Rights?” (12 May)
NEW Iran Document: A Letter from Majid Tavakoli About the Executed (11 May)
Iran Update: The Aftermath of the Executions
Iran Document: Maziar Bahari’s Response to His 13-Year (and 74-Lash) Sentence
Iran Special: A Renewal of Protest for 12 June?
The Latest from Iran (12 May): Defending the Indefencible

1945 GMT: Kurdistan. Report --- Ajlal Aghvami, the spokesman of the Kurdistan Human Rights Organization, has been arrested in Sanandaj.


1540 GMT: Last Words from the Executed? Peyke Iran has posted what it claims is the last statement of Mehdi Eslamian, executed on Sunday, and footage from inside Gohardahst Prison in Karaj.

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rv92USld_rY&feature=player_embedded[/youtube]

1535 GMT: Investigation Complete? Mohammad Hassan Abutorabi-Fard, the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, has claimed that a report has been completed on last June's attack on Tehran University dormitories. Reformist members of Parliament had claimed that the supposed enquiry into the events had been set aside.

1525 GMT: Meanwhile...Where's Mahmoud? Khabar Online has pictures of President Ahmadinejad's visit to Yasuj in southwestern Iran, including a poster, "Sir, where is the gas you promised to the village of Kalous?"

And the President's message? "Be sure, Iran's next government will be 10 times more revolutionary....People all over the world, even USA and Europe, are disappointed by their leaders:their only hope is Iran! We should prepare the world for the arrival of the Mahdi."
1515 GMT: Kurdistan (Containing the Students). In addition to the 15 Kurdish student activists reportedly arrested in Marivan (five names have been published), Peyke Iran claims seven Kurdish students have been summoned to Evin court.

1500 GMT: The Kurdistan Strike. We are now featuring videos apparently showing widespread closure of shops and empty streets in cities in Iranian Kurdistan.

The strike was called for by the Kurdish Communist Party, the Democratic Party of Kurdistan, and Komeleh, including its Socialist branch.

BBC Persian have now posted a brief item on the events.

1455 GMT: A Rights-First Approach. Writing in The Washington Post, Roxana Saberi, who was detained in Iran from late January until early April 2009, begins with this story:

I received an e-mail from a human rights campaigner in Tehran who knew one of them, asking me to spread the word about the hangings. "We are truly helpless," she wrote, "and we feel lost."

Saberi argues:

As the international community focuses on Iran's nuclear program, it should also make human rights a first-tier issue. When the U.N. Human Rights Council meets in Geneva next month, Washington and the European Union should lead calls for a resolution setting up a mechanism to investigate human rights atrocities in Iran during the past year. A bigger push should be made to send a U.N. special envoy on human rights to Iran and to aid Iranians, including the many journalists forced to flee their country out of fear of persecution.

But perhaps even more important than government efforts is the outcry of ordinary people worldwide. When everyday citizens speak out against Iran's human rights violations, Tehran has a tougher time asserting that their calls have been masterminded by foreign governments.

1045 GMT: Kurdistan. An EA correspondent writes:

The point worth noting is the discipline and strong support evidently commanded by the Democratic Party within the population. The appeal for the strike was made over Kurdish satellite TV, and in contrast to the response of Iranian counterparts to calls for national strikes, the people of Sanandaj were immediately receptive. The photos have prompted congratulatory messages from people in Tehran, who commented on the efficacy of strike action in Iranian Kurdistan, as opposed to getting anything done elsewhere in the country.

1040 GMT: The Oil Squeeze. Financial Times Deutschland reports that Iran is having problems finding buyers for its oil, with supplies sitting on tankers.

1035 GMT: Kurdistan. Peyke Iran is claiming a heavy security presence and authorities' pressure on shopkeepers to reopen their shops in Sanandaj. The website claims that
two protesters were shot and injured in Sanandaj and that there have been clashes. Most Kurdish pupils and students reportedly did not show up at classes today.

1020 GMT: Streets are reportedly deserted in Sanandaj, Iranian Kurdistan's largest city.


1000 GMT: The Strike in Kurdistan. For three days, I have been following Internet chatter that there would be a general strike in Iranian Kurdistan, protesting the executions. However, as I could not hard evidence, apart from a statement from a Kurdish Communist Party (apologies to readers if I missed information), I held back on reporting.

Now, however, photos have emerged indicating that some shops are closed today. There are also claimed photos of clashes; we are trying to confirm.





0945 GMT: Apologies for limited updates. I have been occupied with writing an analysis, "Executions, Politics, and the Attack on Nazila Fathi and The New York Times".


0700 GMT: The Executions --- The Official Account. Yesterday we posted, without comment or criticism, Fars News' "further update" on Sunday's execution of five Iranians. This was based on the official statement of the public relations office of Tehran’s General and Revolutionary Public Prosecutor’s Office.

Having allowed time for readers to consider that account, we now have the queries of an EA correspondent over the failure to establish a justification for the executions, offer a credible defense that due process was indeed followed, or explain the timing:

1. Only four of the five are identified as members of the Kurdish separatist movement PJAK. One defendant was executed for a bombing in Shiraz although no claim is made that he was involved in the bombing and no evidence is offered that he knew about the intent to bomb before the operation. It is stated, based on the accused's confession, that he learned about the bombing after he became suspicious of a friend and persuaded that friend to admit that he was involved in the bombing. He then helped the friend flee.

2. The cases of two of the executed were never sent to the Supreme Court for final decision. The executions were performed with mere confirmation of the Appeals Court.

3. The Supreme Court decision to confirm the execution order of the other three was apparently rendered on 1 March 2009 after an Appeals Court decision that was rendered in February 2008. The delay in executions until May 2010 is not explained.

4. The evidence given in the statement regarding the PJAK membership of four accused is at best circumstantial.

The evidence given for Farzad Kamangar's membership in PJAK is that his brother was active in "party activities" in Sulaymanieh and has a "conviction record" for involvement with the PKK, the Kurdish movement active across Iran, Iran, and Iraq. The statement does not say if the record is in Iran, Iraq, or Turkey and does not explain why this blood relationship is significant in relation to alleged crimes.

The other evidence given for Kamangar's membership are the words of the other two executed men --- one of whom himself is alleged to be PJAK because of a coded note and PJAK booklet found in his house --- that they knew Kamangar, lived in the same neighborhood, and forged documents for him. They do not accuse Kamangar of being a member of PJAK and the statement does not say that they themselves admitted being members of PJAK.

If the Prosecutor's statement is accepted at face value, Kamangar was never involved in the actual bombing. Allegedly an explosive timer was found in his house and he was also accused of fabricating documents for two people, who intended to put together material for explosives found by police in a car.

0620 GMT: The Oil Squeeze. Kalemeh reports on the significant number of foreign companies who have suspended development of the South Pars and Assalouyieh oil and gas fields.

In recent weeks Iranian officials have issued "ultimata" to Royal Dutch Shell and Spain's Repsol to resume development or face eviction from Iran.

0615 GMT: The Executions. The Iranian Writers' Association has condemned the hanging of five Iranians on Sunday: "There are no words which could describe this bloodshed and bloodthirst"

0520 GMT: We begin this morning with two features. We have posted a letter from student activist Majid Tavakoli, detained in Evin Prison since 7 December, about three of the Iranians executed on Sunday. And we have put up the English translation of Mir Hossein Mousavi's wide-ranging comments on Tuesday about the Green Movement and the legitimacy of an unjust Government, "Do Iranian Mothers Have Rights?"